OVER and over again in the documents of this period there occurs the term Han-chien, meaning literally 'Chinese evil-doers', as opposed to I-chien, 'foreign evil-doers' . It was applied, long before the War, to Chinese who entered the service of foreigners, learnt - foreign languages, corresponded with foreigners or made friends with them in any way. There were, of course, licensed compradors and interpreters who theoretically were not Han-chien; but they were under constant suspicion, as were also the licensed guild-merchants, through whom the foreigners conducted their trade. After the war started, whole new classes of Han-chien arose: those who obtained maps and sea-charts for the enemy, who passed on political and military information to them, acted as pilots, worked as craftsmen on board foreign warships and so on. Later the expression became a term of abuse for anyone who favoured appeasement rather than war to the death, it often being assumed that, if he did so, it must be because he was in the foreigners' pay.
There is a natural tendency in times of stress to exaggerate the number of the 'enemy in our midst' and attribute to their machinations everything that goes wrong. In June 1841 Yang Fang and others in a joint report' to the Throne speak of 'over ten thousand' traitors at Canton, which if one takes the term in at all a literal sense was certainly a gross exaggeration. The philosopher Fang Tung-shu (1772— 8s ), writing! in the summer of 1842, even went so far as to say that the strength of the English lay not in their armaments but in the help they got from Han-chien. It was, as we have seen, also widely believed that Chinese traitors were used to reinforce the English troops. Chl-shan, reporting on the loss of the Bogue ports in January 1841, asserted that several hundred Chinese traitors took part in the storming of both the Taikok and the Shakok forts, and in later legend it is constantly asserted that half the attackers were Han-chien.
But 'traitors' were not, of course, altogether a myth. The English naturally had a number of spies and informants in their pay, and in captured towns a certain number of Chinese, usually of a not very reputable kind, 'collaborated' by accepting paid posts.
The individual Han-chien about whom we know most are those whom the Prussian missionary, interpreter and information officer Gutzlaff employed as agents. I have no intention of trying to write here this singular man's biography But as hg has been so often mentioned in this book it may not be out of place to give a few facts about him.
Karl Friedrich August Gutzlaff, born in 803 at Pyritz in Pomerania, was the son of a tailor. His father apprenticed him to a girdler in Stettin. He escaped from this drudgery by an expedient so Chinese as to seem strangely prophetic of his future. He addressed a laudatory poem to the King of Prussia, which had the result of procuring him entry into a school for budding missionaries in Berlin. He continued his studies at Rotterdam and in 824 was sent by the Netherlands Missionary Society to Siam. Here he learnt the Fuhkien dialect from Chinese settlers. At Malacca in 1829 he married an Englishwoman, Mary Newell, who died shortly after-wards, leaving him a considerable sum of money. His missionary employers having refused to send him to China, he embarked at his own expense on a Chinese junk, and went up the coast as far as Tientsin, distributing tracts and medicines. Late in 183 2 Charles Marjoribanks, President of the Select Committee of the East India Company's branch at Canton, decided to send the ship Lord Amherst on an experi-mental trip' up the Chinese coast to see what sale there was for English goods other than opium. The Chinese Government did not, as we have seen, allow English ships to go to any port except Canton, so that in order to avoid friction with the Chinese authorities the Lord Amherst sailed under a false name and gave various fictitious accounts of where she came from. 'The expedition', says Sir John Davis (The Chinese, Vol, 1, pp. 25-6), 'was upon the whole condemned by the Court ]of Directors, in London] and. their animadversions were particularly directed against the fictitious characters and false names assumed by those who conducted the voyage. They commented on the inconsistency of the frequent complaints against the duplicity of the Chinese, while the English at the same time were presenting themselves in an assumed shape, and in direct violation of the laws of the country.' The goods that were carried, says Davis, 'amounted to only 2oo bales, but comprised every variety of article in demand at Canton. The larger portion were brought back exactly as they went, and of the few things that were not returned a considerable number had been given away. The loss on the expedition amounted to £.5,647.'
An interpreter was needed, and Gutzlaff took on the job, armed with medicines and tracts. His standby was The Dialogue between the Two Friends Chang and Yiian, which tells how a Chinese convert to Christianity awakened a sense of sin in a pagan friend. But Gutzlaff also mentions the success of a propaganda pamphlet written by Marjoribanks himself and referred2 to by him as 'A Brief Sketch of British Character and Policy'. 'Scarcely any means adopted to promote friendly intercourse proved so effectual', says Gutzlaff (Three Voyages, p. 217), 'as the circulation of this paper.'
As the pamphlet is probably the earliest example of English propaganda to the Chinese people in general, I vvill give some account of it. No English version exists, and I shall translate or rather résumé it from the Chinese text (I. o 2), which is probably the work of Gutzlaff.
Marjoribanks begins by describing the immense voyage that ships must make in order to get from England to China. But so great, he says, is the skill and courage of her sailors that, despite tempests and all the other hazards of the sea, ships are seldom lost. These ships bring English manufactured goods and return with 'tea and other goods'. This trade, carried on for two hundred years, has always been beneficial to both parties and given employment to an immense number of people. Unfortunately the idea has got about in China that the English are greedy for further territory. Nothing, says Marjoribanks, could be more false. He then gives a catalogue of England's possessions, winding up with Singapore, and asks whether it is thinkable that any nation already possessing such vast territories can want to extend its frontiers.
But though the English Government's great concern is to give happiness, peace and protection to its own people, it is not prepared to put up with insults and injuries. Despite the Chinese Emperor's avowed policy of conciliating foreigners, foreign merchants at Canton have in recent years continually suffered from the extortions imposed upon them by local officials. Moreover Chinese associating with foreigners are accused of being traitors (Han-chien) and have frequently been fined, thrashed, imprisoned or even executed. All that the English want is to trade on fair terms, paying, of course, the authorized customs dues. But they find themselves being continually called upon to pay large sums in addition to the proper dues and being secretly approached by officials before any business can be done. All this, of course, happens in absolute secrecy and no echo of it ever reaches the Emperor's ears. In addition to this, notices are put up in the streets abusing foreigners in the filthiest language, and even containing innuendoes suggesting that they are addicted to unnatural vice.= This has led certain low characters to think that they can attack foreigners with impunity, and affrays have ensued, sometimes attended with loss of life, followed by suspension of trade and grave detriment to public business. All this has been due to the failure of Chinese officials to carry out their duties in a proper way. 'English sailors may be rough in outward appearance ; but they have kind hearts, and it is only when they are provoked by intolerable rudeness and insults that incidents occur, resulting in loss of life.' Our sailors, says Marjoribanks, are subject to stern discipline, but so long as Chinese officials incite low characters to provoke and insult them, no amount of discipline or restraint can prevent incidents occurring. In England anyone who injures either a foreigner or a native is brought to justice, and may either plead his own cause or, even if he is a foreigner, engage a lawyer to assist in his defence. . . . The Sovereign of England commands that all Englishmen, in whatever part of the world they may be, should strive to keep on friendly relations with the people of the country, provided that they can do so without sacri-ficing England's dignity. Any Chinese who comes to England can live there in peace and quiet, exactly as though he were an Englishman, and no one ventures to insult or injure him. Would it not be better, rather than incite mutual hostilities, to set up a friendly rivalry, each side competing to display a greater love and kindness than the other ? Marjoribanks then reminds his readers that English sailors have on countless occasions come to the rescue of Chinese ships that were in trouble ; in return for which all the Chinese do is to point out English sailors as suitable objects of insult and injury.
Misguided people have taught the Chinese the absurd and childish idea that nothing good exists outside China, and that all other countries contain nothing that is not com-pletely despicable and valueless. Let them visit the various countries of the world and they would soon see that Heaven has bestowed its favours with no such partiality. In England we can boast that everyone dwells in peace and security, his person or property protected by the law. Again, the religion followed in England, that of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, teaches that God has bestowed 'Peace upon earth and goodwill to all men'. We have made great advances in science, the arts, literature and poetry, thus promoting refinement, civilized manners and virtuous conduct.
England, honoured in peace and feared in war, is the country with which above all others Chinese ought to seek good relations. We are practically neighbours, in that a river (the Salween) which rises in the Chinese province of Yiinnan flows into the sea at a point which is English terri-tory (i.e. at Martaban, captured by the English in 1824). Marjoribanks then praises the honesty and industry of Chinese merchants and the kindness and generosity that they have at times shown to the English. He points to the good reputation that the East India Company and its servants have always had during the long period of their activity at Canton, and calls upon the people in general not to overlook the merits of such able and reputable persons, and upon the officials to carry out the Emperor's policy of clemency towards foreigners.
The above, he says in conclusion, was indited with weak and hasty brush by a friend of both countries, whose great desire is that all mankind should enjoy true happiness.
There follows an annex, in which it is explained that the present voyage has no motiVe but that of trade. The cargo consists of camlet, broadcloth,' cotton yarn, calico and other goods. Intending purchasers are invited to come aboard and pay in silver. The ship is in need of provisions, and good prices will be given for chickens, ducks, pigs, sheep and cattle.
The pamphlet is in some parts disingenuous, and in others unconvincing. For example, the statement that English ships brought manufactured goods in return for tea gives an entirely false picture of our trade at Canton, the major import being opium. Again, the argument that we had so much territory that we could not be suspected of wanting any more could hardly, one would have thought, have con-vinced the Chinese, who knew that they themselves, despite the enormous extent of their empire, had within recent memory mopped up Zungaria and Turkestan. The pamphlet is written in the sort of pidgin-Chinese that is usual in transla-tions of the period, and is not always easy to understand.
The Lord Amherst sailed on February 27, 8 3 2, and Feturned to Macao on September sth. On October 2 oth Gutzlaff, who in his writings always expresses great horror at the opium trade, pocketed his scruples and took service as interpreter on the Sylph, an opium ship belonging to the firm of Jardine Matheson. This was the third of the Three Voyages described in his book of that name. Needless to say he does not mention in his book that the ship carried opium. He was back in Macao on April 29, 1833. Between then and the outbreak of war he made several other voyages as interpreter on opium ships, of which he himself wrote no account. In 1834 he went to Malacca presumably to visit the Anglo-Chinese college, and met Mary Wanstall, a cousin of Harry Parkes, later to become British Minister at Peking. Miss Wanstall had gone to Malacca in 1832 as a member of the Ladies' Society for Native Female Education to help in missionary work. During the course of 1834 she became the second Mrs Gutzlaff, and lived with him in a large, rambling house in Macao, where she ran a school, and a home for blind Chinese children. Five little girls in her school wrote in 1837 to the Ladies' Society:
'Dear kind Ladies! Please do send us more help ; and which of our kind friends will come and teach the little Chinese girls ? We are so many , we want many teachers. We are so poor, we cannot pay you. But we are told of the Saviour Jesus, who can.'
The Gutzlaffs also took under their wing seven Japanese, who had landed up in Macao as the result of two shipwrecks. In the summer of 1837 the ship Morrison, belonging to the American firm of Olyphant, set out for Japan, carrying Gutzlaff, the American merchant C. W. King and his wife, Dr Peter Parker (whose patient Commissioner Lin became in July 839), S. Wells Williams, the American missionary, a cargo of legitimate goods and the seven shipwrecked Japanese. It was hoped that by restoring the Japanese to their native land the expedition would win the gratitude of the Japanese authorities and be allowed to trade and missionize. The Japanese, however, refused entry even to their com-patriots, and the expedition returned dispirited to Macao. A Japanese, Hayashi Kytishi,i became one of Gutzlaff's most trusted assistants when he was magistrate at Ningpo, and he may perhaps have been one of the seven who had been brought back again to Macao.
When the English expedition sailed north in June 184o Gutzlaff went with it as interpreter and information officer. When Ting-hai fell in July he became civil magistrate there, and sent for his wife to join him. He caught the prevailing 'China fever', and very nearly died. The Gutzlaffs returned to Macao in February 1841. Then, in the summer of the same year, came the second expedition to the north. Gutzlaff again served with it, and after the fall of Ningpo, in October 1841, he became magistrate there. His uncon-ventional and summary but at the same time efficient methods of justice astonished the Chinese. There is a song2 about his rule at Ningpo by the local poet Hsii Shih-tung (I 81+-73):
Up to his high dais
Daddy KuoI comes.
If you are in trouble
He'll get things straight, If you have been wronged He'll come to the rescue,
If you have got into difficulties He'll arrange things for you.
He's a master at speaking the Chinese language,
There is not an ideogram he cannot read.
Daddy Kuo is nothing short of a genius!
Big trouble about a bull,
Small trouble about a chicken—He'll settle the case with a pen
that seems to have wings!
And sooner will the Southern Hills move
than this decision be altered.
On his dais he sits passive and majestic,
While the mob throngs below. He has no scribes to assist him, There are no papers on his desk; Yet never has the business of the court been handled
so swiftly as by Daddy Kuo.
From down at the side of the dais
Someone cries out that he has been wronged;
A fellow from who knows where came to his house and extorted money from him.
Directly he hears it, Daddy Kuo, without another word, Picks up his stick, climbs dovvn from the dais, and waddles off into the town.
A moment later he reappears, dragging the culprit along, Ties him up, bares his back and gives him
fifty with the lash.
The man who made the complaint,
Goes home delighted, trusses a pair of fowls
And sacrifices them to Heaven.
On one occasion Daddy Kuo was sitting alone on the dais With a great crowd watching him from below.
Suddenly they saw Daddy Kuo tear off a sheet of paper, Grind ink, lick his brush and start wildly scribbling. What he wrote was: 'Your great Minister has done
us a huge wrong.
He burnt hundreds and thousands of boatfuls of
our choicest product.
He promised us to pay in silver, but did not keep his word,
Even when we begged for one-half, we got nothing at all, Which brought things to the sad pass in which
we are today!'
He took what he had written and hung it below the dais, So that it could be seen by all who came with
Many of those near where it hung read it aloud
to the rest,
Or else borrowed paper and brush, and copied what it said.
Daddy Kuo, seeing this, chuckled to himself with joy. Out of the folds of his dress he produced a biscuit: should so much like you to try a taste of this!'
Daddy Kuo has come,
He is going up on to his dais.
Trouble or no trouble, day after day the people press and throng.
Yesterday an old peasant passed down the street On which his office stands.
When he got home he heaved a sigh; his heart was very sad.
'We once had magistrates of our own; where are they now?'
When the English left Ningpo in May 1842 Gutzlaff went north with the fleet. He was magistrate at Chinkiang in July, and then served as one of the three interpreters during the negotiations at Nanking in August. From November 1842 till the autumn of 1843 he was Superintendent of Trade at Ting-hai. He then became Chinese Secretary to the Government of Hongkong, but at the same time threw himself heart and soul into a grandiose project for the whole-sale conversion of China to Christianity. Native colporteurs were to be sent into every province, distributing tracts. Any Europeans who assisted them were to dress as Chinese and take Chinese nationality. The whole expense was to be borne by Gutzlaff himself. The project was not regarded with favour by other missionaries, and its success did indeed depend on a very uncertain factor—the reliability of the agents whom Gutzlaff employed. The feeling of self-respecting Chinese after the Treaty of Nanking was naturally one of implacable hatred towards the English, and even if Gutzlaff's colporteurs were not drawn from the ranks of the scalliwags he had used for secular purposes during the war, it was inevitable that many of them should be shady characters merely anxious to pocket foreign dollars. It is, indeed, said that some of them were found in opium dens near Canton, fully intending after a decent interval to regale Gutzlaff with stories of their successful missions in the interior of China. It seems certain, at any rate, that the scheme broke down as completely as its numerous critics had predicted.
In 1849 the second Mrs Gutzlaff died and in October her husband went to Europe, lecturing on his scheme for the evangelization of China in England, Holland, Germany, Russia, Sweden, Austria, France and Italy. His hope was that each country would 'adopt' an important province of China and finance its conversion. The tour is described in his Bericht einer Reise nach England und durch die verschiedenen Lander Europas (Report of a journey to England and through the various countries of Europe), Cassel, 18s . By looking up contemporary newspapers one could probably find out a good deal about the reaction of his audiences in these eight countries. I can only quote the Edinburgh weekly Hogg's Instructor:1 `Fle arrives in a city and hastens to the church which is prepared for his reception. After preaching for an hour with the greatest energy, he takes up his collection, and is gone. He speaks with such rapidity that it is scarcely possible to follow him.'
He returned to China in January 18 çi . An attack of gout turned to dropsy and he died, aged forty-eight, on August 9th. While in England he had married, on September 17, 185o, his third English wife, Dorothy Gabriel. As we have seen (p. 162), rumour at Ningpo credited him, in addi-tion, with two Chinese concubines, whom he was presumably supposed to have left behind when Ningpo was evacuated.
The three official interpreters, J. R. Morrison, Gutzlaff and Robert Thom were very much overworked and all died prematurely ; Morrison in 1843 at the age of twenty-nine, and then Thom in 1846, aged thirty-nine.
'The Rev. Charles Gutzlaff', says Lane Poole,' 'has received his full measure of detraction, and undoubtedly he had his faults. His specious manner and intolerable assumption of omniscience procured him the epithet of "humbug". He was always posing as a genius, and those who knew him best put least faith in him. He was not to be unreservedly trusted. Nevertheless his was a strong and original character, interesting as a study for the experienced, and certainly very impressive to his juniors. . . . It often took years to find him out. And he was not all sham. He had a considerable though not very scholarly command of the Chinese language. He was naturally kind-hearted, though irritable, suspicious and thin-skinned.'
As to his personal appearance, 'an eye-witness', quoted by Lane Poole, speaks of the deep impression made upon him by 'the short squat figure, the clothes that for shape might have been cut in a village of his native Pomerania ages ago ; the broad-brimmed straw hat ; the great face beneath it, with that sinister eye!' In short, a cross between parson and pirate, charlatan and genius, philanthropist and crook.
He wrote or had a hand in about seventy works, chiefly short missionary tracts. Of his longer works the best is probably China Opened, consisting largely of facts and figures, probably collected at the library at Macao. But none of his books ever give any sort of references, and it is often impossible to tell whether he is using some relatively good source, repeating gossip or merely inventing. His one autobiographic work, the Three Voyages, suffers from the fact that it was written for the eye of the missionary world. It is replete with a rather gushing kind of evangelical sentiment and wholly devoid of frankness about his own situation and personal experiences.
Despite his close relations with Chinese of diverse ranks and callings, up and down the coast from Canton to Tientsin, he remained singularly insular (or I suppose in his case we ought to say Prussian) in his general views about the Chinese, whom he regarded as semi-barbarous idolators, to be rescued from their benighted condition only by the enlightening touch of Christian contacts. 'How much', he exclaims, 'foreign intercourse has improved Chinese manners at Canton!'
I have already said that some of the 'traitors' about whom we know most are the agents used by Gutzlaff. One of the earliest of them wrote= to him in May 1832: am writing specially to let you know that I now have the maritime chart of the Inner River [at Foochow] . I was at the provincial capital [Foochow] the day before yesterday and learnt that the Governor gave permission for cannon to be placed at a point near the Lo-hsing Pagoda [on top of a hill near Foochow] and knock holes all over your ship ; but the Tartar General would not allow it.' The rest of the letter is so illiterate as to be hardly intelligible, and Gutzlaff (Three Voyages, p. 23o) only translates the sentence about the threat to bombard the English ship. It is signed 'The Provincial Graduate of San-shan [a place near Foochowr ; but it is inconceivable that the writer of the letter could ever have passed any examina-tion. In his next letter, however, it becomes apparent why he lays claim to this distinction. He has, he says, passed the Provincial Examination, but cannot afford to go to Peking and compete in the final Literary Examination. England is known to be an immensely rich country and the Captain (i.e. Gutzlaff) is the owner of vast possessions. In short, will Gutzlaff be so kind as to finance his journey to the capital? The same request is repeated in another letter, the writer now promising that if he succeeds in the examination and gets an official post, he will be completely at Gutzlaff's service, working for his interests 'like a horse or dog'.
As the English ship was navigating in forbidden waters, the offer of a sea-chart was clearly illegal and would, if it had become known, have had serious consequences for the anonymous 'Provincial Graduate'.
We know most about the least competent of Gutzlaff's agents, that is to say those who were ultimately caught and brought to trial by the Chinese authorities. We possess a number of the statements that they made in Court. These are unlikely to tell the whole truth, but so far as they go they give the impression of being fairly reliable, and they cetainly throw an interesting light on the circumstances and previous careers of the Chinese who entered English service.
A Chen-hai man, aged forty-seven. Worked with his brother as a doctor ; but they were accused of 'seeking to better themselves' 2 and were both conscribed as soldiers and sent to Canton. In 8 2 3 there was a general amnesty; they were released and went back to doctoring. In 84.0 the brother, who had got to know some foreigners (presumably at Canton) entered their service and was soon joined at Ting-hai by Ch'en. himself. He and a number of other Chinese guided the foreign ships to Chen-hai. Later the brother was sent by the English on a mission to Hangchow and was arrested by the Chinese. Ch'en himself was sent to spy at Yil-yao, about thirty miles north of Ningpo. He, too, was arrested, but during his trial the English arrived (December 27, 1841) and in the ensuing confusion Ch'en escaped. He got into touch with Gutzlaff and was employed by him as a spy, receiving a dollar or two for each item of information. In February 1842 he was sent to Tz`u-ch`i, near Ningpo, where he sat about in tea-houses listening to conversations and picking up military information. He even discovered the date and hour that had been fixed for the great Chinese attempt to recapture Ningpo (March oth) and duly told Gutzlaff. As we have seen (p. 168 above) Gutzlaff was by no means convinced that the story was true. Ch'en, in his confession, then gives the names of eight other Chinese assistants of Gutzlaff, including the Japanese Hayashi Kyiltshi, and some information about the English leaders; for example that Pottinger was killed during the second taking of Ting-hai (October 1, i841): 'the persons on the foreign ships at present using the surname Po are all impostors'. On March is-th Ch'en was captured by Chinese militia when spying on the movements of Chinese troops to the west of Ningpo.
A Ting-hai fisherman. At first, from November 184o onwards, did manual work for the English at Ting-hai. But someone introduced him to Hayashi Kyashi as likely to be useful, owing to the fact that he could speak Fuhkienese dialect; and he worked in Kyfishi's office till the English evacuated Ting-hai (February 184o), after which he again became a fisherman. A few days after the English captured Ting-hai for the second time (October 1, 1841) he Went there to work for them again. He happened quite accidentally to meet the Japanese Hayashi Kyfishi, who took him to Chen-hai to act as guide. After the fall of Chen-hai he took Gutzlaff to various pawnshops (which acted as deposit-banks) and assisted him in carrying off their contents. After the English entry into Ningpo (October 4th) he worked there in an office adjoining that of Gutzlaff, presumably translating conversations in Ningpo dialect into the dialect of Fuhkien, Gutzlaff at that time probably knowing very little Ningpo dialect. On November 1, 1841, he got leave to pay a short visit to his home near Ting-hai, Gutzlaff making him a present of two foreign dollars. Having money in his pocket he thought he would renew a previous liaison with a certain Mrs Chiang Lien-yiian. But he found that Mrs Chiang had taken up with a new lover ; and the new lover, in order to get Ch'en safely out of the way, denounced him to the Chinese authorities as a traitor, upon which he was seized and put on trial.
Yu Te-ch'ang .
He certainly well qualifies for a place in this picaresque gallery. He said he was a Ningpo man, aged thirty-four. He was the proprietor of a firm that sold singing-girls and was evidently a man of some substance, as he had a concubine as well as a wife. When the English took Ningpo, Gutzlaff made him Chief of Police, with fifty subordinates to work under him, at a salary of twenty foreign dollars a month. In addition to arresting trouble-makers, he collected information about Chinese troop movements and furnished the names of rich people out of whom money could be squeezed by the invaders. He furnished, at his trial, the names of about forty Chinese who worked for the English, pointing out that almost all of them were from Kwangtung or Fuhkien. Very few people of native Ningpo origin had collaborated. When he had worked for the English for six months, the 'Chief of Police' says at the end of his confession, he slipped and hurt his left leg. Loyal Chinese then seized him and handed him over to the authorities.
A man of twenty-four from near Hangchow. Worked in a clothing business, but got into debt through heavy gambling and was turned out of the house by his father. He then went to his mother's brother at Ching-chou in Hupeh province, and asked for help. The uncle gave him forty dollars, and told him to go back home. But he spent it all on the way back, and hearing that he could earn good money from the foreigners at Ningpo, he went there and got into touch with Gutzlaff, who introduced him to two English officers who wanted to learn to write Chinese. He gave them lessons, for which he got from two or three hundred copper-cash a day (about is. 6d.). He also wrote out proclamations for Gutzlaff to stick up in the town. In the first month of this year-"( 842) Wang Kuo-pao (the alias of the 'Chief of Police') arrested a wine-seller. Fang went and pleaded for him with Gutzlaff, and got forty dollars from the man as a reward for his services. Seeing that a lot of people were getting money for furnishing military information, he invented a story that, at many points inside and near the city, Chinese troops were in hiding.
Gutzlaff believed the story and gave him a warrant for the arrest of any such that he could find. On March 7th, a friend told him that the Chinese attack on Ningpo was to be on March loth and advised him to clear out. Accordingly on March gth he left the city and spent the night in the Monastery of the Seven Pagodas, on the east side of the Yung River. After the failure of the Chinese attack he ventured back into Ningpo, and was sent by Gutzlaff to spy at Tz`u-ch`i. He had left some luggage at the monastery and went back there first to collect it. He fell into the hands of Chinese troops, and was arrested.
From a village near Tz`u-ch`i. Got into touch with Gutzlaff at Ningpo on January 18, 1842, and became one of his 'braves', at soo cash a day. At the same time he was also receiving 400 cash a day as a member of the Chinese militia. He sent regular reports to the Chinese about the doings of the foreigners and also, when opportunity offered, collected information about Chinese military movements for Gutzlaff, 'getting advantage', as he said, 'out of both sides'. He was in Ningpo at the time of the Chinese attempt to retake the town, but (as he is careful to assure his judges) 'only held up a lantern, and took rio part in the fighting'. After the defeat of the Chinese Gutzlaff sent him to Chgang-ch`i Ridge= to see whether the Chinese were reforming their scattered units. He tried to slip into the Chinese camp after dark, but was caught and put on trial.
Pu Ting-pang 2
Unlike the five collaborators mentioned above, he served the English expedition in general, and though highly esteemed by Gutzlaff was never in his special employ. Pu, whose ,efficiency as a comprador is praised in many Western accounts, was kidnapped by peasants on July 17, i84o, when purchasing bullocks for the English in the neighbourhood of Ting-hai. He had an interesting history.
In May 1839 his father was accused of illicit dealings with the English, and both his father and his brother were imprisoned at Canton. His father was so roughly handled by the gaolers that he died in prison. Another brother fled to Java, and Pu Ting-pang himself took refuge on a foreign ship. When put on trial at Ningpo he appealed for mercy on the ground that his father's concubine (aged forty-six), his own wife (aged twenty-five) and his little girl (aged one) were entirely dependent upon him. What he would like, if his judges were so merciful as to allow it, would be to bring them to Ningpo, and make a fresh start there. He then gave some information about the English warships and about the English Queen who, he had been told, knew nothing about the English war against China, and would be very cross if she found out about it.
The Director of Affairs Gutzlaff, he informed his judges, is a follower of the Religion of the Lord of Heaven. He is a Russian, but has throvvn in his lot with the Red Hairs (i.e. English) and now counts as a Red Hair. His father was in business at Tientsin ; Gutzlaff later set up schools in Canton and Macao, where Chinese learnt foreign script. Chinese followers of the Religion of the Lord of Heaven all go there to study, so he had picked up the dialects of Fuhkien, Canton and Ningpo. . . .
'The Capital of the Red Headed People's country is called Principal Port.= Its inhabitants are not followers of the Religion of the Lord of Heaven,z but there are in the country some small rural localities where this religion is practised. . . . The high officers on their ships all come from the Principal Port, and consequently do not follow this religion. But the rest, who do not come from the Principal Port, are all followers of the religion. The 2 ,000 black men from Bengal all belong to the Religion of the Lord of Heaven. . .
In the prison at Ningpo Pu Ting-pang acted as interpreter to the kidnapped English who were held there and helped them in every way he could. In February 84 , when negotia-tions were in progress for the return of Ting-hai to the Chinese, it was stipulated that the English imprisoned at Ningpo must first be released. Both Gutzlaff and his fellow interpreter Robert Thom tried hard to secure Pu Ting-pang's release, Gutzlaff even saying3 roundly that unless Pu were handed over there could be no question of evacuating Ting-hai. But the Chinese maintained that the English had no right to demand the surrender of a Chinese, and the point was dropped. The situation as regards the English prisoners was urgent. Only two days after their release a new Governor arrived in Chekiang who declared (IV. 224) that he had intended to inflict on Captain AnstrutherI a lingering death, and then offer up his heart and liver as a sacrifice to propitiate the souls of the officers and men who had fallen in battle against the English. In a proclamation (IV. 235) issued in April 1841 the same Governor announced that the traitor Pu Ting-pang had been decapitated and his head paraded all along the coast, as a warning to other Han-chien.
We possess such a wealth of information, both in Western and Chinese sources, about this shady character and his story is so complicated that, in order to reduce my account of him to reasonable proportions, I shall draw in the main only on one document—the evidencez given at his trial by his patron Chao Ming-shan, known also as Chao Tzu-yung, a Cantonese painter, poet, musician and official, whose name is well known to English readers owing to his Cantonese Love Songs havinvbeen translated and commented upon by Cecil Clementi in i9o4. Pao Peng was born at Hsiang-shan, near Macao, in 1793, and began at an early age to study foreign languages. Chao Tzu-yung was tutored at Canton by a relative of Pao Peng, and as Pao Peng often visited this relative, Pao the linguist and Chao the young poet got to know one another very well. In 1829 Pao Peng became comprador to an American merchant, but upon this merchant returning to America Pao found himself without a job. Meanwhile, in 1836, a cousin of Pao's got a licence at Macao to act as comprador to the English opium dealer Lancelot Dent. The cousin became ill, and Pao took over his work without bothering to get a fresh licence. He was paid about sixty dollars a year as regular wages, but in addition to this could usually earn two or three hundred dollars. In 1837 he began to take commissions for supplying opium to various clients. Early in 1839 one of the official 'linguists' (i.e. Chinese interpreters) attached to the English factory, to whom Pao P`eng had already lent money, demanded a further loan and threatened to denounce Pao P`eng as an opium dealer if the money was not forthcoming. In March 8 3 9 Pao P`eng, 'frightened of complications', fled from Canton and, travelling north, presented himself at the office of the song-writer Chao Tzu-yung, who was now Prefect of of Wei hsien in Shangtung. He told Chao Tzu-yung of his predicament, and Chao invited him to live with him for a time.
In the spring of i84o Pao P`eng got a letter from home, telling him that the 'linguist' had not informed against him. Pao's uncle had been arrested by Commissioner Lin, but subsequently released. The Commissioner had then (pre-sumably in consequence of facts that had come out at the interrogation of the uncle) ordered the arrest of Pao P`eng, but as he had never been guilty of any very serious mis-demeanour he might now, the letter suggested, safely come home. He was just about to embark (presumably at Teng-chou, the nearest port) when a foreign ship appeared off the Shangtung coast. Chao Tzu-yung recommended Pao P`eng to the Governor of Shantung as a person who could parley with the foreigners and find out what they wanted. Afterwards Ch`i-shan, now on his way to Canton in order to conduct negotiations there with Captain Elliot, thinking that someone knowing English but unconnected with Canton (as he believed Pao P`eng to be) would be more trustworthy than the interpreters at Canton, who had for so long had dealings with the English, took Pao P`eng south with him. Pao's sudden reappearance, now dressed up in official garb and giving himself very grand airs, immensely tickled the 'old hands' at Canton, and they teased him mercilessly. When Ch`i-shan fell from power and was sent in chains to Peking, Pao P`eng was also put on trial. The charge that he had acted as an agent of the English could not be substantiated. The Court had to fall back on the technicality that he had acted as a comprador without obtaining a licence. This counted as 'illicit intercourse with foreigners', for which the penalty was military service on the frontier. His opium offences occurred before the new regulations of May 1840 came into effect ; otherwise he would have incurred the death penalty. But in view of these offences the maxium penalty for 'illicit intercourse' was inflicted, and instead of serving as a free soldier on a near frontier he was condemned to work for Manchu troops as a slave, at I-1i, in the far north-west.
Chao Tzu-yung was severely censured for sheltering and recommending someone whom he knew to have had a shady past. He lost his job, and so far as we know never returned to public life.
There were several kidnapped Indians in the gaol at Ningpo ; but apparently no effort was made to secure their release. Here is the bewildered voice of the Indian prisoner Mamo: do not know how old I am, nor the names of my father and mother. I have a wife and two sisters. I belong to the Fan-lien district of Bengal. There are three kinds of people in Bengal—upper whites, middle whites and, at the bottom, blacks. All of them follow the religion of the Lord of Heav'en [Christianity] . I am a black, and all I can do is to work. Red-haired people came to my country and told the headmen of my country to sell black men to them as servants. For each black man they offered three or four foreign dollars, and if the black men would not go they were to be beaten. I was sold to a ship of the red-haired people, where my work was to wash clothes, sweep and run errands. It was a ship of middling size and carried two hundred soldiers, all of whom were black. There was also an officer called Collinson [ ?] whose rank was like that of a Chinese lieutenant. The red-haired people call a soldier su-chih; but I would be no good as a su-chih. All I ask from Your Excellency is to give me food, and I will gladly work for you here. Where I come from they have followed the religion of the Lord of Heaven for a long time. We have a prince who looks after the affairs of the country, and besides that several princes who only look after matters of religion. Those who follow the religion go to Heaven when they die, and those who do not go to Hell. When I have finished eating I lay the palms of my hands together and recite a Scripture [i.e. say grace], as the Lord of Heaven would have me do.'
One is reminded of Blake's 'Little Black Boy'.
I See above, p. 12.
2 See Letter to the Rt. Hon. Charles Grant. . ., by Charles Marjoribanks, M.P., 1833. Separately catalogued at the British Museum,
1 The story that the comprador Pao P`eng was Dent's paramour (VI. 27) is typical of such charges.
1 The text writes sha-jung, 'flannel' ; we know, however, that the cargo included ta-jung (broadcloth), but not sha-jung.
iv. 27s. 2 Opium War Literature (Ya-pien Chan-cheng Wen-hsiieh
Chi, edited by A-ying, I9sE), p. 24.
1 Gutzlaff's Chinese name was Kuo Shih-li.
Life of Sir Harry Parkes, p. ss.
1. 3i. MS. now at the Bodleian.
2 The expression implies that they passed themselves off as belonging to a higher social rank than their own.
North-east of Ningpo. 2 IV. 2 I S.
1 Common Chinese name, at the period, for London.
2 Strictly speaking this term meant Catholicism. But Pu probably regarded it as a name for Christianity in general. 3 V. 349.
See above, p. 161. 2 III. 255.